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(PDF) Denominal affixes as sources of antipassive markers in Japhug Rgyalrong

Say, Sergey. The antipassive derivation and the lexical meaning of the verb. In: Janic, Katarzyna and Alena Witzlack-Makarevich (eds.). Antipassive: Typology, diachrony, and related constructions [Typological Studies in Language 130]. Amsterdam, Philadelphia: John Benjamins., 2021

Descriptions of antipassive constructions in individual languages show that these constructions are often compatible with only a subset of transitive verbs. There are significant typological similarities between the sets of verbs that allow antipassivization. The following properties are typical of these verbs: i) agentive A, ii) specification of the manner component in the verb meaning, iii) lack of inherent telicity (the transitive use can be compositionally transitive, but this is cancelled under antipassivization), iv) narrow class of potential Ps, and v) affectedness of A. Verbs with all of the properties in i)-v), such as 'eat', constitute the core of " natural antipassives " , whereas verbs with only some of these properties are at the periphery of this class. Apart from being especially prone to enter antipassive constructions, the fuzzy class of natural antipassives is relevant for a number of phenomena. i) Polyfunctional valency-related markers or constructions tend to yield antipassive reading when applied to natural antipassives. ii) Natural antipassives tend to choose the less marked construction in languages with two antipassive constructions. iii) Lexicalization of antipassives is more likely for verbs that lack natural antipassive properties, and a typical scenario of lexicalization involves coercion of some of these properties. Ultimately, I conjecture that it is the relevance of the P-argument for the meaning of the verb which accounts for the rarity of fully productive and semantically uniform antipassive constructions in the world's languages.

Himalayan Linguistics, 2020

The paper presents the first complete reconstruction of the Old Tibetan (OT) verb morphology and semantics. Old Tibetan had a productive verb inflection with meaningful inflectional affixes b-, g-, ɣ-, d-, -d, and -s. The distribution of the prefixes was asymmetric and closely related to transitivity of a verb. Verbs of highest transitivity formed four distinct stems, whereas intransitive verbs inflected for one or two stems only. Grammatical voice is the only category that can explain the disproportion in the markings of transitive and intransitive verbs. Because the basic opposition was that between active and passive voice, intransitive verbs could only form active forms, whereas both active and passive forms were available for the majority of transitive verbs. In addition, both groups of verbs inflected for aspect, distinguishing between perfective and imperfective aspect. The OT inflectional system seems to have been a local innovation, only marginally related to verb morphology of other Trans-Himalayan languages.

In M. Cennamo & C. Fabrizio (eds.), Historical Linguistics 2015, Selected papers from the 22nd International Conference on Historical Linguistics, Naples, 27-31 July 2015. Amsterdam: John Benjamins., 2019

Antipassive constructions may be polysemous, with aspectual and modal functions other than patient demotion, and may differ with respect to the way agents and patients are coded. This paper explores the hypothesis that at least some of these differences can be explained by taking into account the diachronic sources of these constructions, which hold the key to some regularities. The sample includes the 48 languages with an antipassive in the WALS (Polinsky 2013) + 50 languages in which an antipassive or a functionally equivalent construction is attested. These functionally equivalent constructions are generally not labelled as antipassives in grammatical descriptions, and alternative labels such as depatientive, deobjective, unspecified object construction, etc. are used. The diachronic sources of all these constructions are identified drawing on two kinds of evidence: (i) etymological reconstructions based on the comparative method; (ii) synchronic resemblance between (some features of) the source construction and (some features of) the target construction. Four main sources are found to be recurrent in the sample: (i) agent nominalizations; (ii) generic/indefinite elements filling the object position (e.g. person for animate objects, (some)thing for inanimate objects); (iii) action nominalizations, either alone or accompanied by a light verb like ‘do’ ( do the washing); (iv) morphemes encoding reflexive and/or reciprocal actions. For each of these sources, a diachronic scenario is sketched through which the antipassive construction might have developed out of the source.

Diachronica 34 (2), 2017, pp. 175-218

The aim of this article is to provide an overview of the main sources of antipassives based on a 120-language sample. The sample includes the 48 languages with an antipassive in the WALS (Polinsky 2013) + 72 further languages in which an antipassive or a functionally equivalent construction is attested (e.g. deobjective constructions, unspecified object constructions, etc.). The diachronic sources of antipassives are identified drawing on two kinds of evidence: (i) etymological reconstructions based on the comparative method; (ii) synchronic resemblance between (some features of) the source construction and (some features of) the target construction. Four main diachronic sources are recurrent in the sample: (i) agent nominalizations; (ii) generic/indefinite items filling the object position (e.g. person for animate objects, (some)thing for inanimate objects); (iii) action nominalizations, sometimes accompanied by a light verb like ‘do’; (iv) morphemes encoding reflexive/reciprocal actions. For each of these sources, a diachronic scenario is proposed through which the antipassive construction might have come into existence. The article also explores the hypothesis that at least some of the functional and structural differences among antipassive constructions across languages may be explained by taking into account the diachronic sources of these constructions.

This article deals with the development of dedicated antipassive markers in a crosslinguistic perspective, with a special attention given to Slavonic languages. Initially, this marker was associated exclusively with ergative languages in which it was treated as a valence reducing operator. Attached to the verbal form, it ditransitives a transitive construction without affecting the semantic content of a sentence. This led many scholars to insist on a simple dichotomy according to which ergative languages possess antipassive constructions due to the presence of a dedicated antipassive marker, whereas languages of accusative alignment are considered implicitly to be deprived of this type of operation and this is because of the lack of a specialized antipassive marker. Thus, the presence of a dedicated antipassive marker was treated as one of decisive criteria in the recognition of the antipassive in accusative languages. The recent and expanded crosslinguistic investigations reveal, however, that ergative languages present a whole range of variations concerning the antipassive marker. Among those ergative languages which developed a dedicated antipassive marker, i.e. a marker specialized in the antipassive function, in some of them this marker is also used in a middle domain. This means that in these languages the antipassive marker is polyfunctional, being related diachronically to other grammatical categories, mostly reflexivity. This article shows that a similar morphological correlation also exists in accusative languages, in particular in Russian. We argue that all Slavonic languages attest a dedicated antipassive marker that evolved from reflexivity by hand of middle domain.

Linguistic Typology

This paper presents a cross-linguistic investigation of the antipassive within the framework of Radical Construction Grammar. Based on function, this study identifies constructions in 70 languages from 25 language families and four geographical macro areas. Iconically motivated correlations were found between functions and the morphosyntactic strategies they employ. The results of this study suggest that constructions indicating the lower individuation of patients and constructions indicating the lower affectedness of patients, previously grouped together as ‘antipassive’, should be considered two separate construction types. This is based on their separate functions, the distinct morphosyntactic strategies used to encode them across languages, and differences in productivity with regard to semantic classes of verbs.

Reference: Jacques, Guillaume. 2015. The origin of the causative prefix in Rgyalrong languages and its implication for proto-Sino-Tibetan reconstruction. Folia Linguistica Historica 36(1). 165-198. Abstract: This paper presents the first detailed description of the two causative derivations in Japhug Rgyalrong based on a corpus of spontaneous speech, and proposes two new pathways of grammaticalization: causative from denominal derivation and abilitative from causative.

2015. Languages and Linguistics 16.3: 431-464

While the vast majority of Sino-Tibetan (=Trans-Himalayan) languages have a pre-head predicate negator, Tani is one of a small handful of subgroups whose languages display an exclusively post-head negator. This negator, furthermore, is somewhat unusual in having both derivation-like and inflection-like properties, and in occupying an ‘intermediate’ position between derivations and inflections in the predicate stem. This article proposes a common explanation for both facts, by hypothesizing that reanalysis of an AUX-final serial verb construction as a single predicate word has resulted in realignment of an earlier pre-head auxiliary negator as a predicate suffix with leftward scope over the predicate stem. This is similar to another channel found in some Tibeto-Burman languages in which a prefixal negator fuses with a clause-final auxiliary to become a suffix (as in Kuki-Chin and ‘Naga’); however, I argue it to be ultimately somewhat different. These arguments are made on the basis of a more comprehensive description of negation in Galo (Tibeto-Burman > Tani, Eastern Himalaya) than was provided in Post (2007); as such, a second goal of the paper is to contribute to the typology of negation in Asian languages more generally.

Pacific World Journal 3.9. 2007 (Special Issue: Essays Celebrating the Twentieth Anniversary of the Numata Chair in Buddhist Studies at the University of Calgary, ed. Leslie Kawamura and Sarah Haynes), 2007

TibeTan grammar, one of the buddhist "sciences" (Tib. rig gnas; Skt. vidyāsthāna), has a considerable heritage from indic vyākaraṇa literature, some of which is to be found in translation in the sgra rig pa section of the Tibetan canon. a good deal of writing on Tibetan grammar, however, is paracanonical, frequently in the form of indigenous Tibetan commentaries on the two treatises attributed to Thon mi Saṃbhoṭa, the Sum cu pa and rTags kyi 'jug pa. 1 besides the historical interest of a tradition of Tibetan scholars' reflections on their own language, there are also potentially significant insights to be gained from such informed investigations into the structure of Tibetan. Questions of voice and transitivity in Tibetan should be among some of the most relevant to contemporary linguists working on Himalayan languages as well as to philologists and specialists in buddhist studies seeking to understand better the structure of a language that was so important in the transmission of buddhist scriptures. While it is not infrequently argued that voice and transitivity are completely absent in Tibetan, it seems that an examination of indigenous Tibetan grammatical literature, in particular the rTags kyi 'jug pa commentaries, does not actually bear that view out and instead provides arguments for a nuanced acceptance of some features of voice and transitivity. in my "On bdag, gzhan and the Supposed active-Passive neutrality of Tibetan Verbs," i have dealt with the possible connections between active-passive diathesis and the grammarians' concepts of verbs that show "self" (bdag) and "other" (gzhan). 2 i now turn to the grammarians' distinction between "differentiating" (tha dad pa) and "non-differentiating" (tha mi dad pa) verbs, arguing that these notions exhibit significant connections with

Himalayan Languages Symposium (HLS) 26, Paris, September 6, 2023

This paper surveys anticausativization in Gyalrongic languages and makes some synchronic and diachronic observations and generalizations about this phenomenon. Although anticausativization has been discussed for individual Gyalrongic languages at length, this is the first paper to synthesize all current information on anticausativization in Gyalrongic, bringing all this knowledge under one roof. This paper will also utilize newly collected Stosde fieldwork data with anticausative verbs and interact with the recent typological research on anticausativization, e.g., Inglese (2022). I will begin with the form and function of anticausative verbs for each Gyalrongic language. Gyalrongic anticausative derivation is accomplished through voicing the onset. In East Gyalrongic languages, the voicing of the onset for the anticausative stem is triggered by a nasal preinitial, but in West Gyalrongic languages (except for some Bragmda' rTa'u examples) the nasal preinitial has been lost, but the voicing of the onset remains. Next, I will investigate the semantic range of anticausative verbs. There are four broad semantic categories that Gyalrongic anticausative verbs generally fall into, increasing in negative outcomes: Separation (‘split’, ‘separate’, ‘tear’), Removal (‘take away’, ‘wipe’, ‘eliminate’), Altering Physical Structure (‘burn’, ‘bend’, ‘melt’), and Destruction (‘burst’, ‘disassemble’, ‘collapse’). Furthermore, I will look into issues concerning animate vs. inanimate subject compatibility, subject volitionality, and compatibility with other derivations (e.g., causatives). Finally, I will discuss the diachrony of anticausativization in Gyalrongic, identifying all known anticausative verb cognates across the languages. The issue of directionality of derivation (from transitive to intransitive) has already been well demonstrated (see Jacques 2021: 918-920; Gates et al. 2022), but I will provide more evidence to support this argument, for example, Bragmda ' rTa'u pkɯk/kɯ ‘to bend’ → ⁿɡɯk ‘be bent’ compared with Japhug kɤɣ ‘bend’ →ŋgɤɣ ‘be bent’. Jacques (2021: 918-919) states three lines of evidence in support of a transitive to intransitive directionality for Gyalrong languages (aspiration neutralization, recent productivity of nasal prefixation for loanwords, and the sigmatic prefix’s inability to cause devoicing); and this evidence will be examined and built upon for the rest of Gyalrongic.

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