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Tok Pisin - Wikipedia

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

English creole spoken in Papua New Guinea

A Tok Pisin speaker, recorded in Taiwan

Tok Pisin ( TOK PISS-in,[3][4] tawk, -⁠zin;[5] Tok Pisin: [tok pisin]), often referred to by English speakers as New Guinea Pidgin or simply Pidgin, is an English creole language spoken throughout Papua New Guinea. It is an official language of Papua New Guinea and the most widely used language in the country. In parts of the southern provinces of Western, Gulf, Central, Oro, and Milne Bay, the use of Tok Pisin has a shorter history and is less universal, especially among older people.

Between five and six million people use Tok Pisin to some degree, though not all speak it fluently. Many now learn it as a first language, in particular the children of parents or grandparents who originally spoke different languages (for example, a mother from Madang and a father from Rabaul). Urban families in particular, and those of police and defence force members, often communicate among themselves in Tok Pisin, either never gaining fluency in a local language (tok ples) or learning a local language as a second (or third) language after Tok Pisin (and possibly English). Over the decades, Tok Pisin has increasingly overtaken Hiri Motu as the dominant lingua franca among town-dwellers.[6] Perhaps one million people now use Tok Pisin as a primary language. Tok Pisin is slowly "crowding out" other languages of Papua New Guinea.[7][6]

A 1971 reference book on Tok Pisin (referring to the language as Melanesian Pidgin) Hotel room door signs in Papua New Guinea

Tok originates from English talk, but has a wider application, also meaning 'word, speech, language'.[8] Pisin derives from the English word pidgin;[8] the latter, in turn, may originate in the word business, due to the typical development and use of pidgins as inter-ethnic trade languages.[9]

While Tok Pisin's name in the language is Tok Pisin, it is also called "New Guinea Pidgin"[10] in English. Papua New Guinean anglophones often call Tok Pisin "Pidgin" when speaking English.[note 1] This usage of "Pidgin" (with capital P) differs from the term pidgin (language) as used in linguistics. In spite of its name, Tok Pisin is not a pidgin in the latter sense, because it has become a first language for many people (rather than simply a lingua franca to facilitate communication with speakers of other languages). As such, it is considered a creole in linguistic terminology.[note 2]

The Tok Pisin language is a result of Pacific Islanders intermixing, when people speaking numerous different languages were sent to work on plantations in Queensland and various islands (see South Sea Islander and blackbirding). The labourers began to develop a pidgin, drawing vocabulary primarily from English, but also from German, Malay, Portuguese, and their own Austronesian languages (perhaps especially Kuanua, that of the Tolai people of East New Britain).

This English-based pidgin evolved into Tok Pisin in German New Guinea (where the German-based creole Unserdeutsch was also spoken). It became a widely used lingua franca and language of interaction between rulers and ruled, and among the ruled themselves who did not share a common vernacular. Tok Pisin and the closely related Bislama in Vanuatu and Pijin in the Solomon Islands, which developed in parallel, have traditionally been treated as varieties of a single Melanesian Pidgin English or "Neo-Melanesian" language. The flourishing of the mainly English-based Tok Pisin in German New Guinea (despite the language of the metropolitan power being German) contrasts with Hiri Motu, the lingua franca of Papua, which was derived not from English but from Motu, the vernacular of the indigenous people of the Port Moresby area.

A bilingual sign in English and Tok Pisin, displayed at the Lae War Cemetery (Lae, Papua New Guinea).

Along with English and Hiri Motu, Tok Pisin is one of Papua New Guinea's three official languages. It is frequently the language of debate in the national parliament. Most government documents are produced in English, but public information campaigns are often partially or entirely in Tok Pisin. While English is the main language in the education system, some schools use Tok Pisin in the first three years of elementary education to promote early literacy.

Regional variations[edit]

There are considerable variations in vocabulary and grammar in various parts of Papua New Guinea, with distinct dialects in the New Guinea Highlands, the north coast of Papua New Guinea, and islands outside of New Guinea. For example, Pidgin speakers from Finschhafen speak rather quickly and often have difficulty making themselves understood elsewhere. The variant spoken on Bougainville and Buka is moderately distinct from that of New Ireland and East New Britain but is much closer to that than it is to the Pijin spoken in the rest of the Solomon Islands.

There are 4 sociolects of Tok Pisin:

  1. Tok Bus (meaning "talk of the remote areas") or Tok Kanaka (meaning "talk of the people of the remote areas")
  2. Tok Bilong Asples (meaning "language of the villages"), the traditional rural Tok Pisin
  3. Tok Skul (meaning "talk of the schools") or Tok Bilong Taun (meaning "talk of the Towns"), the urban Tok Pisin
  4. Tok Masta (meaning "language of the colonizers", unsystematically simplified English with some Tok Pisin words[6][11]

Tok Pisin's alphabet has 21 letters, five of which are vowels, and four digraphs. The letters are (vowels in italics):

a, b, d, e, f, g, h, i, k, l, m, n, o, p, r, s, t, u, v, w, y

Three of the digraphs (⟨ai⟩, ⟨au⟩, and ⟨oi⟩) denote diphthongs, while the fourth, ⟨ng⟩, is used for both /ŋ/ and /ŋɡ/.

Tok Pisin has a smaller number of phonemes than its lexifier language, English. It has around 24 core phonemes: 5 vowels and around 19 consonants. This varies with the local substrate languages and the speaker's level of education. More educated speakers, and/or those where the substrate language(s) have larger phoneme inventories, may have as many as 10 distinct vowels.

Nasal plus plosive offsets lose the plosive element in Tok Pisin; e.g., English hand becomes Tok Pisin han. Furthermore, voiced plosives become voiceless at the ends of words, so that English pig is rendered as pik in Tok Pisin.

Tok Pisin has five pure vowels:

The verb has a suffix, -im (< Eng. him) to indicate transitivity (luk, "look"; lukim, "see"). But some verbs, such as kaikai "eat", can be transitive without it. Tense is indicated by the separate words bai (future) (< Eng. by and by) and bin (past) (< Eng. been). The present progressive tense is indicated by the word stap; e.g., Hem kaikai stap "He is eating".

The noun does not indicate number, though pronouns do.

Adjectives usually take the suffix -pela (now often pronounced -pla, though more so for pronouns, and -pela for adjectives; from "fellow") when modifying nouns; an exception is liklik "little".[note 3] It is also found on numerals and determiners:

Tok Pisin: wanpela → Eng. "one"
Tok Pisin: tupela → Eng. "two"
Tok Pisin: dispela boi → Eng. "this bloke"

Pronouns show person, number, and clusivity. The paradigm varies depending on the local languages; dual number is common, while the trial is less so. The largest Tok Pisin pronoun inventory is:

Singular Dual Trial Plural 1st exclusive mi
(I)
< Eng. me mitupela
(he/she and I)
< Eng. *me two fellow mitripela
(both of them, and I)
Eng. *me three fellow mipela
(all of them, and I)
Eng. *me fellow 1st inclusive  – yumitupela
(you and I)
< Eng. *you me two fellow yumitripela
(both of you, and I)
< Eng. *you me three fellow yumipela or yumi
(all of you, and I)
< Eng. *you me fellow or *you me 2nd yu
(thou)
< Eng. you yutupela
(you two)
< Eng. *you two fellow yutripela
(you three)
< Eng. *you three fellow yupela
(you four or more)
< Eng. *you fellow 3rd em
(he/she/it)
< Eng. him tupela
(they two)
< Eng. *two fellow tripela
(they three)
< Eng. *three fellow ol
(they four or more)
< Eng. all

Reduplication is very common in Tok Pisin. Sometimes it is used as a method of derivation; sometimes words just have it. Some words are distinguished only by reduplication: sip "ship", sipsip "sheep".

There are only two proper prepositions:

Some phrases are used as prepositions, such as 'long namel (bilong)', "in the middle of".

Several of these features derive from the common grammatical norms of Austronesian languages,[note 4] usually in a simplified form. Other features, such as word order, are closer to English.

Sentences with a 3rd-person subject often put the word i immediately before the verb. This may or may not be written separate from the verb, occasionally written as a prefix. Although the word is thought to be derived from "he" or "is", it is not itself a pronoun or a verb but a grammatical marker used in particular constructions, e.g., Kar i tambu long hia is "car forbidden here", i.e., "no parking".

Past tense: marked by bin (< Eng. been):

Tok Pisin: Na praim minista i bin tok olsem.
English: "And the prime minister spoke thus."[18]

Continuative same tense is expressed through: verb + i stap.

Tok Pisin: Em i slip i stap.
English: "He/She is sleeping."[19]

Completive or perfective aspect expressed through the word pinis (< Eng. finish):

Tok Pisin: Em i lusim bot pinis.
English: "He had got out of the boat."[20]

Transitive words are expressed through -im (< Eng. him):

Tok Pisin: Yu pinisim stori nau.
English: "Finish your story now!"[21]

Future is expressed through the word "bai" (< Eng. by and by):

Tok Pisin: Nil nabaut bai i ros.
English: "If you take just any nails that happen to be around, those will rust."
Development of Tok Pisin[edit]

Tok Pisin developed out of regional dialects of the local inhabitants' languages and English, brought into the country when English speakers arrived. Four phases in Tok Pisin's development were laid out by Loreto Todd.

  1. Casual contact between English speakers and local people developed a marginal pidgin.
  2. Pidgin English was used between the local people. The language expanded from the users' mother tongue.
  3. As the interracial contact increased, the vocabulary expanded according to the dominant language.
  4. In areas where English was the official language, a depidginization occurred (Todd, 1990).

Tok Pisin is also known as a "mixed" language. This means that it consists of characteristics of different languages. Tok Pisin obtained most of its vocabulary from English (i.e., English is its lexifier). The origin of the syntax is a matter of debate. Edward Wolfers claimed that the syntax is from the substratum languages—the languages of the local peoples. Derek Bickerton's analysis of creoles, on the other hand, claims that the syntax of creoles is imposed on the grammarless pidgin by its first native speakers: the children who grow up exposed to only a pidgin rather than a more developed language such as one of the local languages or English. In this analysis, the original syntax of creoles is in some sense the default grammar humans are born with.

Pidgins are less elaborated than non-Pidgin languages. Their typical characteristics found in Tok Pisin are:

  1. A smaller vocabulary which leads to metaphors to supply lexical units:
  2. A reduced grammar: lack of copula, determiners; reduced set of prepositions, and conjunctions
  3. Less differentiated phonology: [p] and [f] are not distinguished in Tok Pisin (they are in free variation). The sibilants /s/, /z/, /ʃ/, /ʒ/, /tʃ/, and /dʒ/ are also not distinguished.
    All of the English words fish, peach, feast, piss, and peace would have been realised in Tok Pisin as pis. In fact, the Tok Pisin pis means "fish" (and usually has a sound closer to [ɪ], almost like the English word piss). English piss was reduplicated to keep it distinct: thus pispis means "urine" or "to urinate".
    Likewise, sip in Tok Pisin could have represented English ship, jib, jeep, sieve, sheep, or chief. In fact, it means "ship".
Circumlocution and synonyms[edit]

The use of circumlocutions to compensate for limited vocabulary is a familiar process in pidgin languages. Tok Pisin is no different: consider bel i no laikim kaikai "food intolerance" (literally "the belly does not like the food"). In other cases, Tok Pisin speakers borrow words from other languages (most often English) to express unfamiliar concepts.

This frequent use of circumlocutions and borrowing of words for English has led to less frequently used words often possessing a large number of synonyms; toilet paper has three Tok Pisin terms: pepa bilong toilet (literally "paper for the toilet"), pekpek pepa (literally "feces paper"), and toilet pepa (from English "toilet paper").

However, Tok Pisin has become especially known for its supposed use of very lengthy circumlocutions. Two commonly-cited examples relate to the piano and the helicopter.

The following Tok Pisin "names" for the piano were recorded by early 20th-century writers:[25]: 227–8 

Linguists observe that these circumlocutions are unstable ad hoc descriptions of an object, rather than set "words" or names. The situation is comparable to a Tok Pisin-English dictionary's definition of a Tok Pisin word with no English equivalent, such as milis being defined as "coconut milk made from shedding coconut meat in the water of a ripe nut"; nobody would suggest that this lengthy expression is the "English name" for this drink.[25]: 225 

Secondly, it is often claimed that mixmaster bilong Jesus Christ is the Tok Pisin word for "helicopter" (the Sunbeam Mixmaster was an electric food processor popular in the United States and Australia). This factoid appeared as early as 1965[26] and still circulates online today. However, the phrase appears to be a fabrication by expatriates working in New Guinea.[25]: 231 [27][28] Linguists point out that helicopters, introduced to New Guinea by oil search teams,[26] would have been far more familiar to early Tok Pisin speakers than electric food processors.[28]

Many words in the Tok Pisin language are derived from English (with Australian influences), indigenous Melanesian languages, and German (part of the country was under German rule until 1919). Some examples:

Article 1 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in Tok Pisin:

Yumi olgeta mama karim umi long stap fri na wankain long wei yumi lukim i gutpela na strepela tru. Yumi olgeta igat ting ting bilong wanem samting i rait na rong na mipela olgeta i mas mekim gutpela pasin long ol narapela long tingting bilong brata susa.[29]

Article 1 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in English:

All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood.[30]
  1. ^ The published court reports of Papua New Guinea refer to Tok Pisin as "Pidgin": see for example Schubert v The State [1979] PNGLR 66.
  2. ^ See the Glottolog entry for Tok Pisin (itself evidence that the linguistic community considers it a language in its own right, and prefers to name it Tok Pisin), as well as numerous references therein.
  3. ^ Liklik can also be used as an adverb meaning "slightly", as in dispela bikpela liklik ston, "this slightly big stone".
  4. ^ The language Tolai is often named[citation needed] as having had an important influence on early Tok Pisin.
  1. ^ a b Tok Pisin at Ethnologue (25th ed., 2022)
  2. ^ Laurie Bauer, 2007, The Linguistics Student's Handbook, Edinburgh
  3. ^ "Tok Pisin | Definition of Tok Pisin in English by Oxford Dictionaries". Oxford Dictionaries | English. Archived from the original on September 24, 2018. Retrieved 2018-09-24.
  4. ^ "Definition of Tok Pisin". www.merriam-webster.com. Retrieved 2022-11-16.
  5. ^ a b c Mühlhäusler, Dutton & Romaine 2003, pp. 1–5.
  6. ^ A.V. (24 July 2017). "Papua New Guinea's incredible linguistic diversity". The Economist. Retrieved 20 July 2017.
  7. ^ a b Romaine 1992, p. 19.
  8. ^ Baker, Philip & Peter Mühlhäusler. 1990. From business to pidgin. Journal of Asian Pacific Communication 1.1 (1990): 87-115.
  9. ^ Romaine 1989.
  10. ^ Mühlhäusler, Peter; Monaghan, Paul (1999). Pidgin phrasebook (2nd ed.). Hawthorn, Vic., Australia: Lonely Planet Publications. p. 99. ISBN 0864425872.
  11. ^ Romaine 1991, p. 629.
  12. ^ Romaine 1991, p. 631.
  13. ^ Mühlhäusler, Peter (1984), Tok Pisin and its relevance to theoretical issues in creolistics and general linguistics in Wurm & Mühlhäusler 1985, p. 462.
  14. ^ Mühlhäusler, Peter (1984), The scientific study of Tok Pisin: language planning and the Tok Pisin lexicon in Wurm & Mühlhäusler 1985, p. 640.
  15. ^ "Prince of Wales, 'nambawan pikinini', visits Papua New Guinea". The Telegraph. 4 November 2013. Archived from the original on 2022-01-12.
  16. ^ a b c Mühlhäusler, Peter (1979). Growth and structure of the lexicon of New Guinea Pidgin. Canberra: Australian National University. ISBN 0858831910.
  17. ^ a b Thomas, Lowell (1965). Adventures with the New Guinea Head-hunters. Doubleday. pp. 291–2.
  18. ^ Mann, Milton (1972). New Guinea. This beautiful world. Tokyo: Kodansha International. p. 11. ISBN 978-0-87011-166-2.
  19. ^ a b Laycock, Donald C. (1970). "It was a peculiarly great year for pidgin". Pacific Islands Monthly. 41 (1): 45–8.
  20. ^ "TOKSAVE LONG OL RAITS BILONG OL MANMERI LONG OLGETA HAP BILONG DISPELA GIRAUN AS BILONG TOKTOK". ohchr.org.
  21. ^ "Universal Declaration of Human Rights". United Nations.

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