1
1 Hansard, Thomas Curson, ed., The Parliamentary Debates, VI (27 09 1806), 50–1Google Scholar. A month later Windham refused to attend Pitt's funeral in Westminster Abbey. Elliot-Murray-Kynynmound, Emma Eleanor Elizabeth (Hyslop), Countess of. Minto, The life and letters of Sir Gilbert Elliot, first earl of Minto (London, 1874), Minto to his wife, 22 02 1806, III, 379Google Scholar.
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2 Hazlitt, William, Political essays (London, 1819), p. 367Google Scholar.
3
3 O'Gorman, Frank, The emergence of the British two party system, 1760–1832 (London, 1982), p. 50Google Scholar.
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4 Cannon, John, ed., The whig ascendancy (London, 1981), p. 44Google Scholar .
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5 Lock, F. P., Burke's reflections on the revolution in France (London, 1985), p. 167Google Scholar.
6
6 Grierson, H. J. C., ed., The letters of Sir Walter Scott, (London, 1936), Scott to H. F. Scott, 10 09 1831, XI, 455Google Scholar.
7
7 MrsBaring, Henry, ed., The diary of the right hon. William Windham, 1784 to 1810 (London, 1866), 9 07 1797, p. 371Google Scholar.
8
8 Henry, , Brougham, Lord, Historical sketches of statesmen who flourished in the time of George III (London, 1839), I, 165Google Scholar.
9
9 McDowell, R B and Woods, John A., eds., The correspondence of Edmund Burke, IX (Cambridge, 1970), p. XXIVGoogle Scholar.
10
10 Ibid. Burke to Laurence, 23 Dec. 1796, pp. 196 ff.
11
11 Sack, James J., The Grenvillites, 1801–1829 (Urbana, 1979), pp. 70–5Google Scholar.
13
13 Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine, XVIII (09 1825), 1–3Google Scholar. One wonders if George Canning, the foreign secretary, was influenced by Blackwood's comments when in February 1826, during a debate on the currency question, he summoned up Burke as a prophet for opposing Pitt's bank restriction bill in 1797. Parl. Debates, XIV, 2nd ser. (13 02 1826), 331Google Scholar.
15
15 Ibid. IX (Mar. 1813), 245; XVII (Apr. 1817), 114.
16
16 Ibid., XXXIX (Apr. 1829), 483.
17
17 Ibid, XXXIV (Sept. 1826), 471.
18
18 John Henry Newman was its editor in the 1830s.
20
20 Ibid. VII (Mar. 1796), 299–301; VIII (Dec. 1796), 665.
21
21 Ibid, XXII (Aug. 1803), 161 n.; XVI (Oct. 1800), 450; XXXV (Mar. 1810), 213.
22
22 Ibid, XLII (Sept. 1813), 303; XV (Jan. 1800), 33.
23
23 Ibid, XXII, n.s. (Nov. 1824), 525–33.
24
24 Blackwood's, VI (03 1820), 706Google Scholar; XII (Aug. 1822), 134.
25
25 Ibid XVII (Jan 1825), 1–15
27
27 Ibid XLV (Sept 1813), 232–3
28
28 Ibid XXX (Feb 1808), 127, 132–4, 134 n
29
29 Whom Harvey, A D reckons as the first nineteenth-century politician to openly avow himself a tory – in 1804 Britain in the early nineteenth century (London, 1978), p 204Google Scholar
31
31 Standard (London), 12 06 1827Google Scholar , Star of Brunswick (Dublin), 6 Dec 1828
32
32 Standard 12 June 1827, 21 Feb 1831
33
33 Mr Redhead Yorke's Weekly Political Review (London), 16 09 1808Google Scholar; Anti-Gallican Monitor (London), 2 06 1811, p. 149Google Scholar; 15 Sept. 1811, p. 273.
34
34 Mr Redhead Torke's, 23 Apr. 1808, p. 296; 4 July 1807, p. 5.
35
35 Anti-Gallican, 25 Aug. 1811, p. 248; 20 Dec. 1812, p. 802.
36
36 New Times (London), 16 Feb. 1819; 8 Mar. 1819.
37
37 Aspinall, A., Politics and the press, 1780–1850 (London, 1949), pp. 98–9Google Scholar.
39
39 True Briton, 11 Mar 1822
40
40 Beacon (Edinburgh), 20 09 1821, pp 19–20Google Scholar, Blackwood's, XXVIII (07 1830), 86Google Scholar Walter Scott admired Pitt too ‘How we want Billie Pitt now to get up and give the tone to our feelings and opinions,’ he wrote in 1817 Gash, Norman, Lord Liverpool (Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1984), p 135Google Scholar
41
41 Mr Redhead Torke's, 9 May 1807, p 354, 23 Sept 1809, pp 196–7
44
44 Macaulay, Thomas B, Macaulay, Lord, Critical, historical and miscellaneous essays (New York, 1860), VI, 299–300Google Scholar
45
45 Wilberforce, Robert Isaac and Wilberforce, Samuel, eds., Correspondence of William Wilberforce, (London, 1845)Google Scholar, Wilberforce to Rev. Thomas Gisborne, II Feb. 1806, II 71 ff.
47
47 Lincoln wrote Pitt's first cousin Lord Grenville, on 22 Jan., only a day before the prime minister's death, that ‘Mr Pitt has declined to see me just at present for the purpose of my praying with him.’ Great Britain, Parl., Historical manuscripts commission, Fitzpatrick, Walter, ed., Report on the manuscripts of J. B. Fortescue, preserved at Dropmore (9 vols., London, 1892–1915), VII, 330Google Scholar .
49
49 Stanhope, Earl, Life of the right honourable William Pitt (London, 1879), III, 389–92Google Scholar.
50
50 Holland, Henry Richard Lord, ed., Memoirs of the whig party during my time (London, 1852), I, 208Google Scholar.
51
51 Granville, Castalia Countess, ed., Lord Granville Leveson Gower (First Earl Granville) private correspondence (1781 to 1821) (New York, 1916)Google Scholar, Lady Bessborough to Leveson Gower, 23 Jan. 1806, II, 169.
55
55 (London, 1809), III, 778–9; Monthly Review, XII (08 1903), 6Google Scholar.
56
56 Quarterly Review, III (08 1810), 257 ffGoogle Scholar. Fox's death bed was not devoid of its religious problems either. Holland, , Memoirs, I, 268–9Google Scholar.
59
59 Holland, , Memoirs, I, 208Google Scholar. Rose also reported, incorrectly, to the commons that the dying Pitt cried out, ‘Oh my country; how I love my country.’ Canning was not tolerant of this exaggeration either. Lord Granville, Canning, to Gower, Leveson, 29 09 1806, II, 170Google Scholar.
60
60 Correspondence of Wilberforce, Wilberforce, to Bankes, Henry, 19 11 1827, II, 507–8Google Scholar.
61
61 Orthodox Churchman's Magazine, VII (04 1805), 295; X Jan. 1806)Google Scholar, 74 ff.; X June 1806), 451.
62
62 True Briton, 5 Mar. 1821. The Anti-Jacobin Review was particularly assertive that Pitt merely favoured inquiry on and not concession to the papist claims, XXXVII (02 1810), 338Google Scholar; LVIII (Aug. 1820), 527.
64
64 Standard, 17 Jan. 1829.
65
65 Age, 16 Nov. 1828, p. 364. Lord Harewood remarked at the meeting of the London Pitt club in 1831 that Pitt would never have supported the Reform Bill either, Standard, 30 May 1831.
66
66 Anti-Jacobin Review, L (06 1816), 564Google Scholar; John Bull (London), I (3 06 1821), 196Google Scholar; Star of Brunswick, 6 June 1829, p. 222.
67
67 Therry, R., The speeches of the right honourable George Canning with a memoir of his life (London, 1828), VI, 169 ffGoogle Scholar
69
69 Mr Redhead Yorke's, 4 June 1808, p. 417.
73
73 Mr Redhead Yorke's, 4 June 1808, pp. 417 ff.; 23 Sept. 1809, pp. 196–7.
74
74 Houtchens, Lawrence Huston and Houtchens, Carolyn Washburn, eds., Leigh Hunt's political and occasional essays (New York, 1962), p. 99Google Scholar.
76
76 Ibid. VI (1 Aug. 1816), 25. I am not certain when this anti-catholic expression first was made as a formal toast of the London club. In 1811, with such prominent pro-catholics as Wellesley and Castlereagh still attending the club, no such toast appeared in press accounts of the central May meeting. Morning Post, 29 May 1811. The press made little mention of the Pitt club in 1812, when the annual dinner in London was moved from May to June due to Perceval's assassination. Morning Post, 17 June 1812. In May of 1813, the toast was withheld until the pro-catholic ministers in attendance had left the dinner. The Protestant Advocate, I (07 1813), 534–5 nGoogle Scholar. At least some provincial clubs, however, as early as 1812 were using the Orange toast. Newcastle Courant (Newcastle), 6 06 1812Google Scholar.
78
78 Representative, 28 Mar. 1826, p. 214; New Monthly Magazine, III (1 07 1815), 565Google Scholar; Anti-Gallican, 2 June 1816, p. 4638.
79
79 New Monthly Magazine, VII (1 07 1817), 528Google Scholar. Lord Binning thought the toast itself was meant to be an insult to Canning. Bagot, Josceline, ed., George Canning and his friends (London, 1909), Binning to Bagot, 13 May 1817, II, 47Google Scholar.
80
80 Representative, 30 May 1826, p. 431. For the importance of Kenyon and Eldon in the organization, see Standard, 29 May 1827.
81
81 New Times, 29 May 1820.
82
82 Age, 5 Nov. 1826, p. 621.
83
83 Ibid. 16 Nov. 1828, p. 364.
84
84 For example, Edinburgh, . New Times, 18 09 1821Google Scholar or Beacon, 12 Jan. 1821, p. 15. Or for Manchester, , New Times, 26 06 1820Google Scholar or Standard, 1 June 1827.
85
85 Romilly, S. H., Letters to ‘Ivy’ from the first earl of Dudley (London. 1905)Google Scholar, Dudley to Mrs Stewart, 21 Aug. 1827, p. 328.
86
86 For example, the Colchester and Essex Constitutional Brunswick club was formed ‘in accordance with a resolution adopted by the members of the Colchester Pitt Club…’ Standard, 17 Dec. 1828. Likewise, officials of the Leicestershire Pitt club summoned an emergency meeting of its members to discuss the propriety of forming a Brunswick club. Little or no opposition was expected. Age, 16 Nov. 1828, p. 364.
87
87 The Age was also conscious that by changing into Brunswick clubs, the reconstructed Pitt clubs would lose the stigma, constantly reiterated by their enemies, of departing from Pitt's known principles on the catholic question. Not that the Age doubted for a moment that Pitt, if alive, would bea Brunswicker. 16 Nov. 1828, p. 364.
88
88 Standard, 29 May 1827.
89
89 Duke, of Wellington, , ed., Despatches, correspondence, and memoranda of Field Marshal Arthur duke of Wellington, K.G. (London, 1878), VIIGoogle Scholar; Wellington to Aberdeen, 23 May 1831, 442; Wellington to Hardinge, 26 May 1831, 447.
90
90 Gash, Norman, Sir Robert Peel: the life of Sir Robert Peel after 1830 (Totowa, New Jersey, 1972), pp. 18–19Google Scholar.
91
91 Standard, 21 May 1831; 30 May 1831. In the provinces too the clubs, if they existed at all, were no longer as important after 1828. For example, in Leeds in 1831, Michael Sadler, in calling for the formation of the Leeds True Blue Constitutional Association, admitted that the Leeds Pitt club, while ‘not extinct in some measure [had] surceased its meetings’ and therefore would no longer do as the rallying point of Leeds, toryism, Standard, 10 06 1831Google Scholar. The whig cult of Fox declined too after 1832. See, Penny, N. B., ‘The whig cult of Fox in early nineteenth-century sculpture’, Past and Present, LXX (1976), 105Google Scholar.
92
92 Linda Colley has shown the increasing celebration of monarchy during George Ill's reign. Yet, the glorification of George III as a man never reached the level of Pitt's near deification. ‘The apotheosis of George III: loyalty, royalty and the British nation’, Past and Present, CII (1984), 94–129Google Scholar.
95
95 Howe, P. P., ed., Complete works of William Hazlitt, 21 vols. (New York, 1930–1934), 11, 437 n. 13Google Scholar.
96
96 Wraxall, N. W., Posthumous memoirs of his own time (Philadelphia, 1845), p. 197Google Scholar.
97
97 Complete works of Hazlitt, XII, 100.
98
98 Furber, Holden, ed., Correspondence of Burke, V (Cambridge, England, 1965)Google Scholar; Burke to Mary Palmer, 19 Jan. 1786, 255.
99
99 Ibid. Alfred Cobban and Robert A. Smith, eds., VI (Cambridge, England, 1967); Burke to Windham, 22 Dec. 1790, 193–5.
100
100 Ibid. R. B. McDowell, ed., VIII (Cambridge, England, 1969); Burke to Langrishe, 26 May 1795. 179.
101
101 Ibid. Burke to Loughborough, c. 17 Mar. 1796, 432.
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